Generation Z youth uprising in Nepal: Reflection on causes and consequences

Bishnu Raj Upreti

Nepal Centre for Contemporary Research (NCCR)

Kathmandu Metropolitan City,

Ward No 32, Koteshwor, Sahayognagar,

P. O. Box 12709, Kathmandu,

Bagmati Province, Nepal

 

My 16-digit ORCID id: Bishnu Raj Upreti (0000-0001-5213-7373)

 

 

Abstract:

 

In this paper, I am analyzing the recent uprising of the Generation Z (it denotes the group of people born from 1997 to 2012) in Nepal with special focuses on causes and consequences. Nepal is a country geo-strategically located between India and China. In the recent history of Nepal, youth have great contribution in political, social, cultural changes. They were in front while fighting against the Rana oligarchic regime in 1941 and 1951; 1979-80’s uprising, 1989 popular movement for regime change, the Maoist insurgency in 1996-2006, people’s revolve in 2006, 2007 Madesh protest, and unprecedented  Generation G uprising on 8-9 September 2025. Hence, youth are proven as agent of change in Nepal. In the past 3 decades, Nepal has faced multiple shocks such as mass assassination of Royal family (2001), armed insurrection waged by Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) (Feb 1996-November 2006), Madesh uprising (2006-2008), devastating earthquake (2015), Indian blockade (2015-16), Covid-19 pandemics (2020-2021), and severe floods (2022-2024). In all these shocks, mismatch between the expectations of youth and performance of delivery of state to response to these crises was causing frustration among Nepali youths.

The cumulated frustrations of youth are sourced from structural causes like mal-governance (nepotism, favouritism, rent seeking), rampant corruption, severe unemployment of youth and their massive out migration, institutional and bureaucratic failure, politicization of state institutions, discrimination against youth of rich and poor, elite capture of state power and resources, extreme poor service delivery, multiple geo-political interests and possible influence. These were some of the major sources of frustration of youth in Nepal for long as the ruling elites were not ready realize these eruptions. Because of advancement of information technologies and countrywide access to social media platforms, Nepali youth were quite informed about the wrong going in the Nepal’s governance system and monopoly of elites.

At the same time, government of Nepal deactivated 28 social media platforms who were not ready to register with the ministry of communication and information. The reasons given by the government about the monitoring of the social media were ensuring accountability and regulating the contents, without which it was difficult to find the local representatives of the social media and their offices, monitor the hate speech, misinformation, cybercrime, rumors, fake news, and address complaints. In absence of regulation, it is not possible to ensure accountability and control risk of destabilizing social harmony and peaceful coexistence. Further, government has to respect the order (Case No. 080‑8‑0012) of the Supreme Court, which had asked the government to ensure registration of any domestic or foreign online, social platforms operating in Nepal. Hence, government has issued several notices, and gave deadline of 28 August 2025 for social media to register and warned that those who will not register will be deactivated. In response, some of the social media platforms had registered after this notice. However, 26 social media platforms including Meta, X, YouTube did not register. Even the popular platform ‘X’ (formerly known as twitter) had refused to register in Nepal with the allegation that X did not register in the corrupt country. Consequently, on 4 September 2025, Nepal ordered its telecommunications authority to deactivate those social media platforms who do not comply the government order. Then within few days after the given deadline, they were deactivated. Hence, already frustrated youth became angry and organized protests against the government for 8^th September in the banner of Generation Z. The organization of the protest was based on social media mobilization, which has rapid and countrywide coverage. Examples of some of the key slogans and banner messages spread in the social media were ‘shut down corruption, not the social media’, ‘youth against corruption’, ‘no more NepoBabies’, ‘take action against corrupt leaders’, ‘we need clean leaders’, ‘they took our platforms, we took to the streets’, ‘wake up against corruption’, ‘stop looting the nation’, ‘NepoKids in car, youths in the Gulf countries’, etc. In essence, the Gen Z revolt was against corruption, kickback, nepotism, political manipulations, and extortion of state resources by abusing state power by elites. Political parties repeatedly failed to address these issues of governance failure and they missed opportunities for transformation of nation into a prosperous nation. Despite sharp criticism from civil society, media, intellectuals, thinkers and analysts, political parties opted wrong directions and bad practices. Consequently, the youths of the country challenged it in the form of Gen Z uprising of 8 and 9 September 2025.

The key research question was why and how this simple protest of the youth against corruption and ban on social media turned into such a devastating destruction and able to change the regime within 27 hours. While preparing this paper, the data were collected from primary and secondary sources. I have used the multiple methods for data collection ranging from review of the daily newspapers and televisions, social media posts of Gen Z youth activists, cadres of political parties, journalists, government officials, audio-visuals and clips of the protests and burring objects (Parliament House, Presidential Palace, Prime Minister’s Office, Supreme Court, etc.). I had discussed with some gen Z youth, party leaders, journalists and business people. I also reviewed secondary literatures of youth protests to collect primary data. In the analysis, I have used the descriptive approach in this paper. The main findings of this paper are presented as causes of the uprising and its consequences. Main reasons of the uprising were related to the failure of the state to address structural and proximate causes of inequalities, injustices, discriminations (between rich and poor), marginalization of youth, extremely poor service delivery by the state institutions, corruption, monopoly of major party leaders,  politicization of the state machineries for the personal or party’s benefit, complex geopolitical and geo-strategic interests, parochial approach of government towards social media, role of mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, and confusing role of Nepal army. Similarly, the Gen Z uprising have several consequences in political, social, economic, historical, cultural, security, international, human rights, legal, and institutional fronts. I argue that the youth are not only source of power to challenge the current state of elite capture but also motivated and able to engage in politics of national concerns.

Some of the conclusions of this paper are:

a)      Even when the uprising changed the powerful elected government formed by the two largest political parties in the parliament, the new government operating on the behalf of Gen Z youth may not be able to materialize the change and achieve peace and prosperity in the country, because of: i) unidirectional approach of prime minister and the government (only aligning with the interests of one group of Gen Z youths), ii) overplay of external forces, iii) vested interests of political opportunists, iv) lack of consensus in changing state’s bureaucratic structure which is one of the major bottlenecks of the reform and sources of corruption and ill functioning of the state apparatus, v) non-cooperation from political parties.

b)      The government has constituted the 3 members Investigation  Committee under the leadership of former judge of the appeal court and a lawyer and a retired police officer to the incidence of killing and destruction of properties of the state and private individuals. People have expectation to thoroughly investigate and punish the culprits. However, subsequent evidences show that such investigation reports in the past (neither the Mallik Commission report, which has investigated the abuses of the 1989 political movement,  nor the Rayamajhi Report, which had documented the evidence of human right abusers during the people’s uprising of 2005) are not yet implemented. Further, some social media posts of Chair of the Investigation Committee are biased, blaming to the deposed government and declare the punishment, and therefore already in the controversy and many people are suspecting for its neutrality and credibility.  

c)      This was a spontaneous uprising, as it has no unanimous leaders, no protest organizing body, and no ideological knot to bring all together for common concerns. In essence, it is spontaneous revolt against the regime. Therefore the expected change by Gen Z is unsure or extremely difficult because: a) the current government working officially on their behalf has very limited mandate (only to successfully complete the election within 6 months of formation of government; investigate abuses of the uprising and initiate anti-corruption measures); b) pessimistic performance of the transitional government in the past one month with selection of controversial persons as minister, slow or even inaction in some of the urgent action to be taken issues such as improving service delivery), c) some of the Gen Z leaders with whom this government is depending are becoming have controversial because of their past involvements and connections.  

d)       Roles of civil society, government, political parties, private sector and all sections of society need revision in running the country by ‘rule of law’, not by the vested nexus of decaying bureaucracy and corrupt politicians. So far, mainly civil society is biased and partisan, some section of business community is working as brokers and manipulators, and government is functioning for the interests of parties and elites.  

e)      If domestic actors are firmed and committed to transform this nation into prosperous, people centric and democratic country, there is a less chances of manipulation and exploitations from external forces. However, role of majority of political leaders is not constructive and only focused on grabbing and retaining in power even with the cost of national interests. The ambiguously negative role of influential invisible player in this uprising particularly on the second day of destruction has signaled a potentially dangerous path.

f)       Nepal missed great opportunity to fundamentally address the core demand of Gen Z uprising, i.e., ensuring good governance, combating corruption and ensuring quality engagement of youth in political and policy decision making process due to weak negotiation with military and president once the Prime Minister resigned and military took over the situation under control and Gen Z youth engaged in negotiation.   The structural weakness at the time of negotiation was that they should have strongly demand the change of constitution incorporating two-term limitation of Prime Minister, ministers not from parliament, local government based on partyless provision, two term limit of head of political party positions.    

 

Keywords: Curfew, Damage, Death, Demonstrators, Generation-Z, Home-Minister, Injury, Investigation, Kathmandu, Nepal, Nepal-Army, Nepal-Police, Parliament, Political-parties, Prison, Prime-Minister, Private-Sector, Social-media-platform, Supreme-Court, Youth.

 

 

1.      Introduction

 

In this paper, I am simultaneously using the terms Gen Z movement, Gen-Z uprising and Gen-Z protest to denote the same. Gen Z protests are spreading around the world and Nepal is one of the latest one[i]. Around every ten years’ Nepal is encountering youth revolts for political changes since nine decades. The notable youth revolt started in 1941 to overthrow the Oligarchic Rana Regime. However, Rana rulers had brutally suppressed by punishing them according to caste based rule. Among the agitating youths, four youths (Shukraraj Shastri, hanged on 24 January 1941, Dharma Bhakta Mathema, hanged 27 January 1941, Ganga Lal Shrestha and Dashrath Chand, executed by shooting on 28 January 1941). They were executed because they belong to Chhetri and Newar caste group. However, few other youths, who belongs to higher caste Brahmin, such as Tank Prasad Acharya and Ramhari Sharma were given the life imprisonment. The Rana regime felt sin to execute Brahmin youth.

 

The uprising against the Rana oligarchic regime did not stop even when they executed and life imprisoned several youths. Instead, after 10 years in 1951, the youth uprising overthrew the Rana Regime and country entered into active monarchy with multiparty democracy. However, the absolute monarchy did not like the multiparty democracy. Consequently, multi-party system was banned and started autocratic partyless Panchayat system in the country. Again the youths challenge the Royal regime in 1979-80 and forced the king to announce the referendum to decide the fate of Panchayat. The Panchayat system was declared as winner in the referendum by abusing  state mechanism and resources. However, again after ten years’ the youth uprising started in 1989 and the popular people’s movement overthrow the active monarchy and multiparty democracy established in 1990. The leaders of the multiparty democracy did not function well and engaged in corruption, abuse of authority, politicization of the state bureaucracy and resources. Consequently, the then Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) started armed conflict against the state (Upreti, 2012). In the Maoist armed insurrection majority were youth. Once, the armed conflict was ended with signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006, the youth of Madesh-Terai started revolt for federalization of the country (Upreti, 2014).

 

From 2001 to 2025, Nepal experienced several bigger shocks like royal massacre (2001), the devastating earthquake (2025), Indian blockade (2015-16)[ii], Covid-19 pandemic (2020-21, devastating floods (2023-24) and Gen Z uprising (8-9 Sept. 2025). Other important changes happened between this period was promulgation of new constitution (2015), federalization of the unitary nation, two time national e lection. All these shocks and incidences have great bearing on Nepali society.

 

Since 1990, state functioning was extremely poor. Even though there was freedom of speech,  corruption, mal-governance, politicization of state bureaucracy, elite capture of state power and resources became rampant and ordinary citizen were suffering from extremely poor performance of state service delivery, redtapism, favouritism, extraction of resources allocated for development work, unemployment and out migration (Upreti, 2010). Instead of increasing productivity, promoting innovation, creating jobs and focusing to skill-based employable education, the political elites were concentrating their efforts to access and control state power and positions, ignoring livelihoods concerns of ordinary people. The children and family of politicians and their vested interests-based nexus partners like brokers and bureaucrats were living lavish life, spending millions on their weddings and holidays, bungalows and luxury vehicles and wears. Hence, these issues became bone of contentions and reasons for youth uprising in Nepal. Despite frequent warning and alerts from analysts, researchers, academia and public intellectuals, the vested interests-based nexus of political leaders constantly ignored these concerns. Consequently, on 8 and 9 September an unprecedented Generation G uprising temporally swept away the power and the positions the political elites were enjoying for more than 3 decades. If the interim government ruling country after youth uprising is able to properly function and fulfil the assigned mandate, situation may permanently change. Otherwise, there is a fair chance of reemergence of the previous rulers in other forms to control state power and resources.

 

 

2.      The overview of the 8-9 September Gen Z uprising

 

The frustrated youth were watching the behavior and lifestyle of elite nexus of politicians-bureaucrats-brokers. They generated evidences from social media on how this nexus extracted resources from the state for their lavish life style. Hence they started social media campaign with hashtag ‘NepoBabies’, ‘NepoKids’ with massive circulation of slogan through social media hashtag such as ‘shut down corruption, not the social media’, ‘youth against corruption’,  ‘take action against corrupt leaders’, ‘we need clean leaders’,  ‘wake up against corruption’, ‘stop looting the nation’, ‘NepoKids in car, youths in the Gulf countries’, etc. Hence, they called for peaceful protest on 8 September against corruption, kickback, nepotism, political manipulations, and extortion of state resources by abusing state power.

 

Though the center of protests was Kathmandu, it was spread  across the country, mainly in urban areas, district headquarters, town and cities. Once the protested expanded, the Kathmandu was the hard hit. Mass gathered in Maitighar (near the Singhdarbar) and proceeded towards the parliament areas at Baneshwor. Soon, the protest became violent and protestors started entering to the parliament compound by breaking the gates and walls. Then the specially trained security forces assigned to protect the parliament started shooting to the chest and head of the protesters and 19 young protestors were killed.

 

As social media mobilization strategy of the Gen Z youth was so effective the news of killing of 19 people spread all over the country and people became even coercive. The Home Minister (Ramesh Lekhak) resigned after the shooting under the pressure of his political party in 8 September 2025. However, the Prime Minister was not taking the Gen Z youth uprising seriously. The Prime Minister was planning to have special meeting with other parties on how to cope with the deteriorating situation. From the killing of 19 youths, the anger of people mounted. So, people spontaneously gather breaking the curfew and started brutally attack police posts, government offices (mainly police offices) and targeting the houses of individual politicians as well as the business people who are allegedly formed tie with politicians and bureaucrats. Many of the protesters of the second day were not Gen Z. They were vested interest groups penetrated to take revenge and retaliation to those who had their dislike or problems in the past.  

 

The security plan of the government was extremely weak, poor coordination and even more importantly, government did not take the gen Z protests seriously. It did not properly analyze the potential threats and security risks, did not realize the possibility of this scale of destruction. Hence, 76 people associated with the protest (including protesters, police or entering to houses and supermarkets to get goods) had to lost their life and caused the damage of hundreds of billions Rupees of worth of properties. 

 

Originally, there was no plan of protest on 9 September. However, due to the death of 19 youth from police on 8 September, the spontaneous mass gathered across the nation to protest the killing of youth and students (some of them were even in the college dress). The mass was so big. Protesters breached the government declared ‘no go zone’ and curfew imposed by the state. The mass was so aggressive and started arson in Singhdarbar (Office of the Prime Minister and several other ministries), President Palace, official residence and private houses of Prime Minister and ministers, main building of Supreme Court and several other courts[iii], Attorney General’s Office, historical building of Road Department, Bhatbhateni supermarkets, cable cars, vehicle showrooms, hotels, and houses of individual leaders. Petrol bombs, Molotov cocktails were used to blast these infrastructures. According to the media reports, there were following types of people involved in the uprising:

·            Real Gen Z youth: This is the first category of people, whose age is between 1997 to 2012; they focus on ending corruption, improving governance, generating employment, etc. They include young students, newly entered entrepreneurs, young employees and often away from party politics, information technology and social media savvy.

·            Non-Gen Z people:  They are mix group. Some of them were penetrators, who wanted to escalate violence for their personal benefits. Others wanted to fulfil their political aims such as Nepal Communist Party (Maoist Centre), whose cadres were active in escalating higher degree of violence to exert unbearable pressure to its main political enemy the then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. CPN Maoist leader Prachanda was frequently referring to remove Prime Minister by any means and warning the mass protest. He had also visited to the Rabi Lamichhane in the Jail few days before the uprising and public had suspected that meeting was to explore possibilities to overthrow the PM. Another example was Rastrya Swatantra Party whose members of parliament, cadres and supporters engage to destroy evidences of the court cases of their party chairmen, who is in jail for the cooperatives’ fraud by burning the courts. Some party leaders were also active in arson the Parliament building. Another group was ex-criminals punished by different courts who wanted to take revenge by burning the court building. For example, cooperative fraudulent who are in jail and they had mobilized their supporters to destroy the evidences and documents remained in the courts. Another group of protesters was supporters of or sponsored by Durga Prasain and or former king and Rastrya Prajatantra Party (RSP) and other royalists whose primary motive was to re-establish monarchy in the country, which was overthrown 15 years ago. The collective efforts of non-gen Z category of people was to create instability and prove that the current government is not able to work and need their party or the king to stabilize the situation. They were not concerned about the demands of Gen Z youth, as such. Hence, they were carrying out extremely violent activities on 9 September. The Chair of the RSP was in Nakhu Jail. He had produced a false letter of his release from the Jail Department and came out of Jail with the facilitation of few influential members of parliament of his party. Consequently, following his footprint 15588 prisoners came out of jail all over the country. The inspiration of escaping from the Jail was Rabi Lamichhane, Chairman of the RSP. Many informal waste workers came from India to work in waste sector in Kathmandu were also actively engaged in vandalism, firing and damage of government offices because of their dissatisfaction on the government of Nepal’s restriction to access equal facilities like Nepali waste workers. Another group of non Gen Z was individuals who wanted to take revenge and or retaliation to those people who were creating different problems in the past. Most of the individual houses and property were damaged by this category of people. Members of Nepal Communist Party (United Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML), Nepali Congress (NC) were also identified as engage in arson house of individual leaders. For example local leader of CPN-UML was engaged in burning house of General Secretary of NC[iv] and regional chair of NC Dolakha was involved in burning private house of CPN-UML Chairman /the then Prime Minister KP Oli.

 

Until mid-October, all total 76 people involved in the Gen Z uprising (gen Z activists, police, other people) are died, 2324 were wounded and 38 people are under treatment. Key actors of this entire protests were Cabinet and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, Home Minister Mr. Ramesh Lekhak and Communication Minister Mr. PS Gurung who took decision too late, or undermined the aspiration of youth; security forces (Nepal Army; Armed Police Force, Nepal Police and Intelligence Department), Political parties (Nepali Congress, Nepal Communist Party (UML), Nepal Communist Party (Maoist Center), Rastrya Shotantra Party, Ex-King and supporters of royal palaces, other political parties, business communities, private sector, external invisible forces, waste workers, hooligans and looters. The Mayor of KMC Mr. Balendra Shah was instrumental in this protest as he was instructing his close section of protestors[v] by using social media platform regularly on the strategic issues such as ‘go for protest’, ‘only talk/negotiate with Nepal army’, ‘demand for dissolving the parliament’, ‘make Sushila Karki prime minister’, etc. Consequently, all these suggestions were implemented, the parliament was dissolved, Nepal Army took lead to negotiate with the Gen Z youth and Sushila Karki was picked up as Prime Minister.

 

3.      Causes of the uprising: An analysis

The Gen Z youth uprising of September 2025 was the result of cumulated frustrations of youth emerged from a) structural and proximate causes, b) geopolitical interests, c) NGOs supported by different controversial donors like Hami Nepal, Barbara Foundation (some members of this foundation later even became Minister in the transition government), d) dysfunctional and politicized bureaucracy and state institutions, e) discrimination of youth and lack of job opportunities for them.

Structural causes of the tension like mal-governance (nepotism, favouritism, rent seeking), rampant corruption, severe unemployment of youth and their massive out migration for work, institutional and bureaucratic failure to provide service to be provided by the state to its people like driving license, permission for work, etc. (some examples of most problematic government offices for failing to provide services are Social Welfare Council, Company Registrar’s Office, municipalities, land and revenue offices, transport offices and other few dozen offices of the government,  whose main function is becoming extortion from ordinary citizens), politicization of state institutions, discrimination between rich and poor youth, elite capture of state power and resources, extremely poor service delivery, multiple geo-political interests and possible influence were some of the major sources of frustration of youth in Nepal for long. Because of advancement of information technologies and countrywide access to social media platforms, Nepali youth were quite informed about the wrongdoing in the Nepal’s governance system.

In one hand, government was not able to improve service delivery mainly because of dysfunctional and corrupt bureaucracy, on the other hand only one dimension of social media regulation issue came in front, which in fact was a genuine concern of the government. The government of Nepal deactivated 28 social media platforms who were not ready to register with the ministry of communication and information. The reasons given by the government about the monitoring of the social media were ensuring accountability and regulating the contents, without which it was  difficult to find the local representatives of the social media and their offices, monitor the hate speech, misinformation, cybercrime, rumors, fake news, and address complaints. In absence of regulation, it is not possible to ensure accountability and control risk of destabilizing social harmony and peaceful coexistence. Further, government has to respect the order (Case No. 080‑8‑0012) of the Supreme Court, which had asked the government to ensure registration of any domestic or foreign online, social platform operating in Nepal. Hence, government has issued several notices, and gave deadline of 28 August 2025 for social media to register and warned that those who will not register will be deactivated. Some of the social media platforms like TikTok and Viber had registered after this notice but 26 including the major platforms like Meta, X, YouTube did not.

 

Even it was said that X had refused to register blaming Nepal as the corrupt country. Consequently, on 4 September 2025, Nepal ordered its telecommunications authority to deactivate those social media platforms who did not comply the government order. Then within few days after the given deadline, they were deactivated. Hence, already frustrated youth became angry and organized protests against the government for 8th September in the banner of Generation Z. The organization of the protest was based on social media mobilization, which has fast rapid and countrywide coverage. Examples of some of the key slogans and banner messages were ‘shut down corruption, not the social media’, ‘youth against corruption’, ‘no more NepoBabies’, ‘take action against corrupt leaders’, ‘we need clean leaders’, they took our platforms, we took to the streets’, ‘wake up against corruption’, ‘stop looting the nation, ‘NepoKids in car, youths in the Gulf countries’, etc.

 

Originally, the Gen Z revolt was against corruption, kickback, nepotism, political manipulations, and extortion of state resources abusing state power. Political parties repeatedly failed to address these issues and missed opportunities for transformation into a prosperous nation. Despite sharp criticism from civil society, media, intellectuals, thinkers and analysts, political parties (all parties present in the parliament except one) opted wrong directions and bad practices. Bureaucracy of the country was not only dysfunctional but also rotten and protected by political parties and the leaders. Consequently, the youths of the country challenged it in the form of Gen Z uprising of 8 and 9 September 2025.

 

The situation described by (Debray 2017) in the context of political struggle in Latin America seems close to the situation of Nepal when critically looking to the historical aspects of youth uprising in Nepal and Latin America. 

The nature of the recent youth revolts in Nepal, Morocco, Madagascar, Magnolia, Kenya and their demands are similar, mainly focused on governance issues (addressing corruption and kickback, ending favouritism and nepotism, better healthcare and education and employment, etc.). In all these revolts, the mobilization of social media was extraordinary. Nepal’s uprising was also similar to the last years’ uprisings of Bangladesh and Sri Lanka in the sense that all these three countries were ruled badly in the name of democracy and the youths wanted to dismantle this situation. 

Last year, Valeria Galdámez. (2024) had examined the Generation Z’s political engagement or activism and found that youth have important role in influencing social change. The current youth uprising of Nepal have further consolidated the findings of Galdámez (2024).

Though it is quite complex to cover all dimensions of youth uprising in Nepal because every day new issues are emerging, new evidences are revealed. However, I have tried to cover many of them under the following sub-headings: 

 

3.1 India’s interests in Nepal’s affairs:

 

Nepal is surrounded by India in the East, Waste and South. It is situated in the geopolitically highly sensitive region of the world, i.e., between India and China. Historically, Nepal had never colonized despite the successive efforts of British East India Company, once it had colonized India. However, they repeatedly failed to colonize Nepal because of strong resistance from military heroes of Nepal. However, they were able to penetrate invisibly or informally and influence governance of Nepal. This legacy still exists. Indian influences are on politics, trade, economy, culture and security. In 1947, India became free from British colony. The effects of Indian political change of 1947 directly affected the political change in Nepal. Hence, India was influential in political changes of 1951, 1990, the Maoist insurgency (Upreti, 2006a and b; 2010). Indian concerns at the current Gen Z uprising are clear[vi]. 

 

Some of the security analysts argue that the practice of giving the Honorary Army Chief title by Nepal to Army Chief of India, and India does the same for Army Chief of Nepal is unique but it is a risky arrangement for Nepal, a weaker country than India. It was argued that if the situation of 9 September was further escalated, chances of intervening by the Indian army was high by citing the reason of saving civilians and security threats to India and hence entering to Nepal for the safeguarding Indian national interests. This is in fact a danger proposition. Though there was no concrete evidences of direct involvement of India in this uprising, there is a conspiracy of support of India to certain groups of youth engaged in uprising.  Analysts role of deep state in this uprising[vii] Nepal has several hidden players of different countries in the form of ‘deep state’ and working in their favour. India was disappointed with the Oli government once PM Oli visited China in 2024 December and signed the BRI framework agreement. 

 

3.2 Politicization of the state machineries and failure of successive governments

 

In the past 7 decades, Nepal is undergoing tremendous changes in terms of politics, economy, and society. First, Nepal has experienced big political change in 1951 when the country was free from the 104 years of oligarchic Rana family rule. However, even when the family oligarchic system was ended, Prime Minister after the political change was from the same Rana family itself because of Indian mediation. Nepali democratic leaders, even if they were in the government, had no experiences on ruling the country democratically. 

 

The first parliamentary election was conducted in 18 February 1959 (7 Falgun 2015 BS) where the Nepali Congress Party (who had led the 9151 movement to overthrow the Rana Regime) got vast majority and first time formed the democratic government under the Premiership of Party President Bisheshwor Prasad Koirala. However, even when the family oligarchic system was ended, Prime Minister after the political change was from Rana family itself. Nepali democratic leaders, even if they were in the government, had no experiences of democratically ruling the country. Hence, the political change faced trouble time for 8 years. Hence, King Mahendra dissolved the parliament and government, arrested Prime Minister and took over power citing several reasons such as bad governance and corruption, inefficiency, poor commitment to national security and failure to maintain law and order. Later, after few years the then King Mahendra implemented party-less political system to protect national unity and arrested political leaders and banning political parties.

 

The multiparty democracy replaced the partyless panchayat system in 1990 from the popular people’s uprising. The main reasons of failure of panchayat system to fulfil people’s expectations, freedom of speech and abuse of human rights. Corruption, bad governance, nepotism, became rampant in the multiparty political system. People, especially youth were frustrated with the extremely poor performance of successive governments under the multiparty democratic system. Therefore, people have waged massive protest and overthrown the panchayat system.

 

In the political front, politicians and successive governments were monopolizing the state resources and laws of countries in their favour. This situation became worst in the multiparty democratic system came into existence after political change of 1990 and further advanced after Maoist leaders came to parliamentary process from 2006. They capture all highest political posts even if they lose the election (by forcing their supporter to resign from the position to vacate for them). Political parties and their leaders bribe for giving seats to individuals for election, they sell the seat of election to those who provide more money, and their monopoly in the party is far sharper than any small private company. Richest people are evicting taxes and paying less, political cadres are living lavish life (with expensive bungalows, expensive cars and royal life style) without any formal source of earnings.

 

The performance of bureaucracy and governing practice was far worse than anybody normally thinks in Nepal. Nepal’s bureaucracy can be characterized as the most corrupt, most inefficient, most dishonest, immoral and unethical in their functioning. The law is made powerful to protect them. The nexus of politicians, brokers and bureaucrats has primary source of corruption, mal-governance and abuse of authority. However, there is no effective agencies who meaningfully punish them because of their nexus. Service delivery role of state is paralyzed by their corrupt behavior.

 

Since few decades, the judiciary of Nepal is highly politicized, political cadres and loyalists of prime ministers and political leaders are recruited in the positions of judges of different courts. Once judges are selected they work in the interests of person who recruited them. Hence, people have very negative view towards judiciary. Ruling party and its Home Ministers or Prime Ministers heavily politicize Nepal police, Armed Police force of Nepal and the Central Investigation Department. They recruit their own loyalists in key positions in almost all public institutions. Hence, their actions are motivated from the ill intentions of the political leaders. The nexus between the big business houses, criminals-brokers and police is common.     

 

The frustration, anger and uprising of the youth was rooted in the extremely poor performance of successive governments even after the Maoist revolution. The Maoists were earlier fighting to change the governing system and improve performance did the same or even higher. Nepal’s uprising almost closely resembles with the political Struggle in Latin America by Régis Debray (2017). As he argued in the context of conventional Marxist‑party politics and urban mass mobilization of Latin America, the politically‑rooted Maoist insurrection has acted in Nepal as catalyst for 8-9 September mass uprising as frustration of people with Maoist was so high and that was reflected in the protests.

 

3.3 Geo-political dimensions:

 

Nepal is geo-strategically located between India and China. In the recent three decades Nepal has faced multiple shocks such as mass assassination of Royal family (2001), armed insurrection waged by Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) (Feb 1996-November 2006), Madesh uprising (2005-2008), devastating earthquake (2015), Indian blockade (2015-16), Covid-19 pandemics (2020-2021), severe floods (2022-2024) and the Gen Z uprising in 8-9 September 2025. The documented evidences show that in all these events international communities especially powerful actors were directly and or indirectly engaged and supporting Nepal, which is frequently referred in Nepali society as ‘strategic interests-based engagement’.

The then Prime Minister KP Oli had attended the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Plus Summit in Tianjin, China from 30 August to 1 September as dialogue partner. In the sideline bilateral meetings, he met Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation, Xi Jin Peng, President of China, Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu, Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Moha Borvor Thipadei Hun Manet, Laotian Prime Minister Sonexay Siphandone, and Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chính for strengthening Nepal’s relations and promoting mutually beneficial cooperation including in the areas of trade, investment, education and culture, air connectivity, etc. In the meeting with Chines President he strongly raised concern of Nepal about India-China agreement to use transit rout of Lipulekh, a land belong to Nepal^[viii], which make India angry. Therefore, India played with important Nepali people inclined with India in escalating this revolt.  Further, the visible activities of Nepali delegation  with President of the Russian Federation and President of China annoyed USA and therefore it played role in the uprising. Interests of both countries is said to replace Prime Minister Oli.

 Publicly, questions are also rising on the congratulatory message of Mr. Dalai Lama to the Interim Prime Minster Sushila Karki, which was in the past. Why he gave congratulatory message to the PM of Nepal? It was first time he send such message. This was suspected as geopolitical manipulation by anti-Chinese forces.

 

Interestingly, the U.S. Embassy has directly created a Youth Council (USYC) in Nepal selecting youth aged 20-30 years. US Embassy select youths to serve on the Council. The US Embassy funded the Council to implement its projects across the country. These youths were instrumental to elect Balendra Shah as Mayor earlier. In the recent revolt of Gen Z youth, this U.S. Embassy Youth Council (USYC) was quite active. Abhinandan Mishra on 5 October, 2025 write about  mobilization of Nepali youth by USA in the Sunday Guardian, he writes, “Newly obtained internal records reveal how Washington quietly funded and directed a youth mobilisation programme in Nepal—blending political training, protest strategy, and geopolitical messaging to counter India and China’s influence[ix]”.USA was unhappy with the Oli government once Oli signed the BRI framework with  China in 2024 December.

 

3.4 Lack of structure and leaders in the Gen Z uprising of 8 September:

 

The protest was spontaneous, with the support from youths all over the country. However, there was no unanimous central leader for coordination and direction (even though some youth were coordinating protest in different parts of the country), no clear objective (even though the end of corruption, improve governance and lifting ban of social media was stated as objective but when protest expanded many other demands were included).  Some of the characteristics of uprising of Nepal are similar with Hungarian revolution (Irving, 1981), as the uprisings were nor centrally coordinated and planned (Irving, 1981). However, some characteristics of Hungarian revolution are different. There was no clear structure and format of protest. Hence, once the protest became violent and uncontrolled no one was there to take decision and no one take responsibility of damage and destructions. Many different vested interest groups utilized the space and opportunity created by the Gen Z uprising for their personal benefits or revenge. Further, government favoured one group of Gen Z supporter and established them as the real Gen Z leaders ignoring many real Gen Z leaders.  Even though Nepal is not an authoritarian regime as such, revolutionary mass uprising as described by Albrecht and Koehler (2020) is frequently observed and the Gen Z uprising is the latest example.

Gelvin (2015) had critically explore the causes, character, and consequences of the popular uprisings across the Arab world beginning in late 2010 highlighting the weak institutions (e.g., in Liberia and Yamen), as well as structural factors such as youth bulge, economic grievances, unemployment, food price inflation, authoritarian state structures. These characteristics are still valid in the youth uprising in Nepal.

The real Gen Z (those who were known as organizers of the protest before the protest day) were divided in their opinions on major issue lie directly elected chief executive instead of parliamentary system. One group claiming itself as representative of Gen Z agreed to have election of parliament in March 2026 but other few groups are not happy with this provision and they have formed the 13-member team to directly negotiate with the President for the direct election of the executive president. However, the government did not give emphasis to this group. Another group rejected the idea of forming the talk tem to negotiate with the president citing the reason of too late as the government is working in conducting the election of the parliament in 5 March 2026.  

 

Mr. Sudan Gurung, head of Hami Nepal (a donor driven NGO), who is not within Gen Z age group is established by the government as leader of Gen Z but he is highly controversial because of his funding sources like Barbara Foundation (an organization created in the name of American journalist), Students for Free Tibet, etc. and connected with many corrupt people in the past. In this context, Online Khabar wrote, “Concerns have grown as Hami Nepal appears connected to controversial organizations. Notably, its website lists ‘Students for a Free Tibet’ as a partner, a group working with the Dalai Lama for Tibetan independence a sensitive issue in Nepal given China’s influence”^[x].

 

3.5 International community:

 

Many bilateral agencies were silent about the gen Z youth revolt. Regarding the external involvement, conspiracy theory was strong. Indian analysists and media were far ahead on promoting conspiracy theory compare to their Nepali counterparts.  Aman Chopra of the News18 of India suspected “a planned toolkit behind Gen Z movement” and suggested that the youth were “instigated and mobilized” rather than acting on genuine frustrations with their government[xi]. Similarly, Sushant Sinha of Times Now Navbharat argued that the “protests were ‘timed to India’s global rise’ and ‘staged on a geopolitical chessboard’. Began as a movement against corruption became a story of orchestration and manipulation, erasing the agency of Nepal’s youth entirely”.

Sudhir Chaudhary of DD News’, Anjana Om Kashyap from  Aaj Tak and many other Indian analysts see a “foreign hand” in Nepal’s Gen Z youth uprising and linking the protests to Pakistan, China, the US, NGOs, and companies like Coca-Cola. Their emphasis was not on the governance crisis but to geopolitical aspects. Anjana Om Kashyap of Aaj Tak was referring to financial support received by Hami Nepal from Coca-Cola, Viber, and other companies to organize the violent protests in Nepal. Even some were blaming western forces who successfully mobilized  different domestic key actors like the Mayor of KMC to expand Gen Z protests.  However, some critique that ‘Indian media and social media users amplified false narratives about Nepal’s protests^[xii]’.

 

The Representative of Nepal to the UN had addressed the 80th General Assembly highlighted the aspiration of people reflected in the Gen Z youth uprising of 8 September. He was emphasizing that the Gen-Z protests as youth demand for transparent governance, equal opportunities across Nepalese society and an end to corruption.

 

3.6 Role of Mayor of KMC Balendra Shah:

 

Balendra Shah, a popular rapper, musician and structural engineer, was standing independently for the candidate of the Mayor of the KMC 3 years ago and he won it mainly by mobilizing USYC members. Once he became Mayor of KMC, he took very confrontational approach with the federal and provincial governments, his working approach was quite different (much action orientation, direct and reactive), often contradictory with the working culture of federal government. Therefore, he continuously challenge the federal and provincial government and faced non-cooperation from these governments. He was so reactive that once he announced to arson Singhdarbar, the headquarters of the federal government.

 

Balendra Shah was quite vocal and instructing to the Gen Z protest organizers, he wrote in his Facebook wall on what the protesters have to do during the protest, then in the afternoon of the 2^nd day of the protest, he also wrote in his Facebook to talk with Nepal Army, he had also endorsed Sushila Karki as Prime Minister (some of the Gen Z youth had selected her from the Discord voting). Earlier, some Gen Z youths were asking him to be prime minister but during that time he disconnected by switching off his phone and ceasing contact). Once the Singhdarbar was arson by demonstrators, general public, analysts and political parties started linking this event with the previous threat of Mayor to burn Singhdarbar. People allegedly blamed him for the catalyzing destruction of Singhdarbar, a historical treasure.

 

There was a strong criticism for failure of KMC to send fire fighters when Singhdarbar and other important state structures were burning. Only on 3^rd day of burning of these monumental buildings and crucial structures, the neighbouring municipality Lalitpur sent fire fighter to control fire (but everything was burned out by that time). The Chief Justice Prakash Man Singh Raut had expressed his dissatisfaction publicly about the non-action of KMC on fire fighting the main building of the Supreme Court[xiii].  Since then Balendra Shah is highly criticized at public and some analysts even termed him as “Lucifer” (fallen angel). The New York Times also highlighted the role of Balendra Shah in the Gen Z uprising[xiv].

 

Behind the scene, Balendra Shah was key strategist in the uprising because he was directing and or instructing to the protesters about what to do and what not to do. He has instructed the Gen-Z leaders on the most strategic issues such as:

a)      to talk or negotiate only with Nepal Army, not with others,

b)      to put ‘dissolution of parliament’ as precondition for negotiation

c)      proposed/endorsed Sushila Karki as Prime Minister.

d)      able to secure Minister of Home Affairs to his former legal advisor. 

 

These all above four issues were closely interrelated and the Gen-Z negotiators precisely did what he suggested. Even though several conspiracies and rumors were spread about him, it is not clear on how he became such a powerful or who backed up him to do all these actions. Even though external engagement is contested, role of USA, India, ex-King, military is criticized by general public and analysts and for which they were referring circumstantial evidences.

 

3.7 Role of military:

 

Nepal army was in huge controversy once it did not take any action to prevent the burning of national monument like Singhdarbar, the Supreme Court, ministries and many important state infrastructure. Army was also not preventing to arson the office of the President, who was supreme commander of the army. Army was mere spectators and arguing that if it was engaged in protecting these structures there would be more casualty because the protesters were aggressive and were in mass. However, there are quite diverse interpretation about the handling of this uprising by Nepal army. Some analysts like Janardan Subedi was quite critical about the failure of army to protect the national properties. He wrote, “History will remember, from the royal massacre to insurgency, from the erosion of democratic oversight to the delusion of youth movement, the army has repeatedly betrayed its people[xv]”.  

 

General people were surprised with inaction of Nepal Army. When the protestors entered and started vandalizing and set fire to Singhdarbar, the Parliament building, the Supreme Court, the Department of Road Building, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority, the President’s Office, media houses, and commercial and industrial centers^[xvi], Nepal army did not take any action. Aftermath of 8-9 September youth uprising and devastating damage of national properties, Nepal police and Armed Police Force were demoralized and run away from their posts duties to survive from the attackers. Some of them were jumping to river but the protesters followed them and attacked.

 

Inaction of Nepal Army has severely undermined the claim of Nepal army itself as the defender of the nation and its sovereignty, stability, and protection of people. The 9 September role of army was not only dubious but also suspicious and questionable. Even though the Army Chief General Ashok Raj Sigdel defended the reason of inaction of Nepal Army saying that if the army started protecting the buildings set on fire by the protesters, there was chance of more casualty. Some of the retired military officers were even saying that if the Nepal Army started protecting these monuments form arson, foreign intervention could happen. However, these arguments were not substantiated and based on feeble assumptions.

 

Referring to the actual situation, the Kathmandu Post wrote, “Following the resignations, first of Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak and then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli after the government’s crackdown, Nepal saw a complete breakdown in law and order for nine hours. With police abandoning their posts, pressure from chiefs of four security agencies prompted Prime Minister Oli to resign. From 1:30pm, when the Prime Minister submitted his resignation, until 10pm, Nepal had no functioning legal authority to rule the country. Primer Oli fled the prime minister’s residence in Baluwatar in an army helicopter to one of the barrack of Nepal army in Suparitar, Makawanpur. The caretaker prime minister, ministers and key leaders of major political parties were under Nepali Army’s security protection. The army issued a public notice at 9 pm and assumed security command at 10pm. In the nine-hour gap, private, commercial, industrial, and public properties were massively damaged, and 76 people were killed”^[xvii]. After the television address of the Army chief^[xviii] situation started to be normal. 

 

This statement explains many critical issues. In fact, Nepal Army was the sole player, to force Prime Minister to resign; it was taking prime minister, ministers and key leaders of major political parties under security protection and dealing with the protesters. Role of army was also criticized when the saying of the Army Chief came to public about his invitation to Durga Prasain, a stunt royalist for consultation meeting to form the interim government.  This was viewed by public as intention of army to reinstate the monarchy in this politically fluid situation.

 

A critical question raised in Nepal by different corner is why the military did not protect national monuments. The works of Albrecht (2015) and Albrecht & Koehler (2020) on revolutionary mass uprisings in authoritarian regimes explain it. It is difficult to definitely explain the reasons but Gen Z uprising provided Nepal Military to show their reality. Even if some of the characteristic of the Arab uprisings are observed in Nepal, the nature and focus of the Gen Z youth are different and so does the military. The Gen Z youth uprising of Nepal was mainly expanded with the help of social media, an advancement of internet revolution contributed changes in Egypt (Aouragh, & Alexander 2011).

Some of the possible reasons anticipated by people about the inactive role of Nepal Army while arson of office buildings and other infrastructures of government and private property is because of fear from UN if incase people died from the gunfire the Nepal army, UN Peace keeping operation .

3.8 Uncommon activities

The Kantipur Daily, referring to the Discord (a free communication platform for creating and joining online communities, known as "servers," where users can talk via text, voice, and video) discussions, states that chemical weapons such as "Molotov cocktail” (a crude incendiary weapon made from a glass bottle filled with flammable liquid and a rag wick) and “Napalm” (a weaponized mixture of chemicals designed to create a highly flammable and gelatinous liquid) were used in arson on the second day of the protest[xix]. Analyzing 54,061 conversations on the 'Youth Against Corruption (We Nepal)' Discord server and about 60,000 conversations on the 'Youth Hub', Kantipur found that 114,000 conversations were written on these servers in about 50 h ours from 9:35 pm on September 7  to midnight on September 9[xx]. Some of the contents were very provocative, instructional to arson specific buildings, target to specific people, and use chemicals for arson. Considering the contents of these conversations in Discord, the destruction of 9 September was well planned. Even Viral videos were showing individuals wearing jackets labeled “TOB-Tibetan Original Blood” engaging in violent activities during the Gen Z protests on September 8 and 9[xxi]. Use of such chemicals and engagement of unidentified group of people were not common in the protest history of Nepal.  However, who had and why it was planned is expected to be investigated by the Judicial Investigation Committee formed by the government under the chairpersonship of former Judge Gauri Bahadur Karki.

In both days, there were suspicious activities. In the first day, the original plan of the Gen Z youth was just to reach up to the point of barricades placed by police and return back peacefully. They were miking for peaceful protest. However, all of a sudden a well panned group with several motorbikes came and broke the barricades and reach to the main gate of parliament and started stone pelting to police and break the gate. Then the mass became uncontrolled and 19 young protesters were killed. On the second day, it was the use of opportunistic space created by the result of first day by many different vested interests’ groups. Therefore, the investigation should be in3 stages, i.e., before breaking the police barricades on first day, after breaking the police barricades on first day and the second day destruction.    

3.9. Structural causes

 

Elite capture of resources, power and position, monopoly of few people by forming a nexus between politicians-bureaucrats-brokers, ignoring the repetitive voices of youth, intellectuals, critiques on improving situation, mal-governance, extremely poor service delivery by the government were some of the structural causes of frustration of youth in Nepal. The reasons of the youth uprising in Nepal resembles with the proposition of the James C. Davies, who had argued that revolutions happens when a period of improving living conditions is suddenly followed by a sharp decline (also known as the "J-curve theory"). The widening gap between rich and poor in Nepal reinforced the propositions of the J-Curve Theory. Further, the notion of ‘relative deprivation’ of Davies (1962) is a powerful concept to explain the youth uprising in Nepal as Nepali people were not rebelling because they are absolutely poor, but felt deprived relative to what they expected like better conditions (economic, political, social etc.). In the catalysts side, as described by Galdámez (2024), the youth uprising of Nepal in September 2025 was massively influenced by digital connectivity, educational attainment, and socio‑economic status.

4.       Implications of the uprising

 

The Gen Z youth uprising has wider implications in all fronts from society to economy to politics to external dimension. Some of the major ones are briefly discussed below:

 

4.1 Human casualties:

 

Until 16 October 2025, 76 people had lost their lives in the Gen Z youth uprising of which 22 were protesters, 3 police, 10 prisoners and remaining 41 were others (those who were either entered in to the burning buildings to carry goods, money or other valuable or working there). Likewise, protests were taking places in 484 places across the country, all total 628 government offices, 259 private houses, 128 business houses, 198 offices of the political parties, and 307 police offices were damaged or destroyed during the protest[xxii]. All total 15588 prisoners from different jails were escaped and out of that, 8799 prisoners are still not able to arrest until late October. Total 978 weapons were looted from police out of which 586 are getting back. Approximately 2,375 (1,033 injured on Sept 8) people were injured. About 41 injured protesters are still being treated in 12 hospitals in Kathmandu Valley (National Trauma Centre; others at Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital, Kathmandu Medical College Teaching Hospital, Kirtipur Hospital, and Patan Academy) and Biratnagar[xxiii]. In this context, issues of severe human rights abuses are prominent as the 19 people killed on the 8 September were shot either on head or on cheats, without respecting the standard protocol of handling mass protest. A professor and wife of former prime minister was burning alive in the house and still she is in critical condition of treatment.

 

 

4.2  Implications in economy:

Country has lost trillions of rupees directly from damages and destructions. More than 25 billion is estimated loss in the hotel sector (this is only direct cost and if loss due to lack of tourists in this peak session is calculated it lost doubles). Similarly, about 15 billion rupees was lost in the automobile sector. More than 15 thousands job were lost resulting into unemployment.   According to Chandra Prasad Dhakal, the Federation of Nepalese Chamber of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) the preliminary estimate of the total damage of private sector is around Rs 80 billion to Rs 100 billion[xxiv]. Even more than this amount is in the public sector and individual property damages.

4.3 Implication on society:

 

Violence is accepted as normal in society. Out of 15588 prisoners coming out of jail still about 8799 prisoners are not returned to join and creating insecurities in society. Some of them have already committed heinous crimes like killing people. Society has accepted violence as means of change of power, which was started with insurgency of CPN (Moist Centre) and since then subsequent events like Madesh revolt, Gen Z uprising. Hence, tolerance, mutual respects, harmony and collective identity are torn apart and revenge, retaliation, violent attack and counter attack, theft, threaten are becoming day-to-day reality.  

 

4.4 Security implications:

 

Erosion of trust over security forces is mounting. Police force is severely demoralized during the time of uprising as they were bitten, some of them were killed and others have to run away to save life. They are in trauma and until now they are not able to recover. Trust of Nepali people over national army has been eroding and people are starting questioning roles and responsibility of the Nepal army, which is a sign of danger. 

 

4.5 Democratization of political parties:

It is excellent opportunities for political parties to reform their party, which are very hierarchical, top-down, controlled by single persons. There is strong debate going on in Nepal about the need for political party reform, changing the leadership, establishing democratic norms and values within the party and respect and provide opportunity to the youth. Even within the political parties, demands are mounting for change. This is positive sign if they are able to democratize political parties. Hobsbawm (2010) shows the transformation of the state and different sphere of European life: from land use and class structure to the emergence of new ideologies (nationalism, liberalism, secularism), from the rise of industrial working‑classes to the re‑shaping of traditional elites and states; which was possible through two major transformations (1789 and 1848). Considering the nature and intensity of the uprising of Nepal, if manage the transition properly and reform political parties, can change society, politics, economy, culture and fulfil aspiration of youth.

 4.6 Political reform through constitutional change:

 

There are many constitutional provisions need revision but political parties were not daring to debate because of fear of multiple contradictory demands related to change constitution arise (for example one group want to erase provision of province in the federal structure, other group demands directly elected executive, another group demands only proportional representative voting system and another group wants only first past the post system).  However, the Gen Z youth uprising provided space for debating on the reform of constitution, if political parties and protesting youth come in common conclusion.

 

4.7 External dimensions:

 

Nepal is located in the geopolitically sensitive place (between India and China). American interests, European interests, Indian interests and Chinese interests exist in Nepal due to geostrategic location of Nepal, which creates several complications. If we scrutinize Indian and Nepali media, they are frequently referring that powerful countries like USA and India are supporting Gen Z youth uprising for their vested interests. For example, the India Today in an article titled “Nepal Gen Z protests: Nepal on boil, is India’s neighborhood becoming US vs China playground”, writes that the U.S. may be using the protests to counter Chinese influence in Nepal^[xxv].

Another Newspaper the Sputnik in the article “Is US Deep State at Work in Nepal?” discusses on possibility of involvement of the U.S. “deep state” in the youth uprising. Nepal became the third South Asian country, after Sri Lanka in 2022 and Bangladesh last year, where violent mass protests uprooted a democratically elected government. Interestingly, in the case of Colombo and Dhaka, the demonstrations were believed to be the handiwork of the US Deep State. Is that what happened in Kathmandu^[xxvi]? Meanwhile, some Nepali analysts argue that there is no solid evidence for orchestration by external forces or US and or Indian deep state. But contestations, speculations and conspiracy are so high that make Nepali people confused.

4.8 Explanation of suddenly uprising of youth

The Nepal’s youth uprising was an anti‑regime mass uprisings or popular protest that demands regime change, as explained by Nam Kyu Kim (2017). Similarly, Manus Midlarsky (1982) argues that scarcity (especially in agrarian societies) and the inequality form a structural basis to major mass revolts. The recent September mass uprising of Nepal was outcome of disparity between rural and urban areas.

An analysis of Eric Mosinger, Kai Thaler, Diana Paz García & Charlotte Fowler (2022) in the sudden Uprising of Nicaragua shows that it is not needed for long‑standing, widespread anti‑regime grievances to escalate the protests and uprising. The government of Daniel Ortega had relatively strong popular support but suddenly mass uprising occurred in 2018 in Nicaragua. The case of Nepal is similar as the deposed government of KP Oli had strong majority in the parliament and securing good public support. However, the Gen Z uprising came suddenly and overthrown the powerful government formed by largest and second largest political parties. The case of Nepal is bit different that the argument of Perkoski & Chenoweth (2018), as they argue that when popular uprisings adopt nonviolent strategies, avoid foreign military aid, and manage to gain defections from regime forces.

 

5.      Ways forward

 

The expectation of Nepali people in general, and youth in specific, have huge expectations from this uprising in terms of transformation of country. Their expectations are related to ending corruption, investigation of accumulation of properties by elites (mainly politicians, bureaucrats and brokers) and nationalization of illegal property of those who will not be able to prove source of their properties, good governance in the state governing system, non-interferences of political leaders over the state institutions like central bank, constitutional bodies (several constitutional commissions including Commission of Investigation of Abuse of Authority-CIAA, Public Service Commission, National Human Rights Commission, National Women Commission and other 7 commissions where puppets of political leaders are picked up), courts and bureaucracy and recruitment of ambassadors. At present everywhere party cadres, or loyal to the political leaders are recruited at the cost of independent and competent citizens. They have huge expectation in generating employment opportunities that should end the labour migration abroad (at present millions of Nepali workers are working in harsh condition at Malaysia, Gulf countries), ending anomalies, full treatment and proper care of wounded people and fair election that ensure maximum representation of the youth in the parliament that change the present constitutional arrangement of electoral system, eradication of provisional structures of the federal system in line with the expectation of youth.   

 

Nepal needs fundamental transformation in terms of economy, politics, governing system, bureaucracy, judiciary, security and service delivery provisions; for which amendment of the Constitution (2015) is a necessary condition. Fulfilling the genuine demands of Gen Z youth need Conceptual framework of De Smet (2015), which proposes that transformation are not simply spontaneous events but involve ongoing processes of social learning, concerted action and system thinking (Rolling 2000). Citing the case of Egyptian revolution, De Smet (2015) argues that genuine revolutionary change demands more than episodic protest, i.e., a dialectical pedagogy of revolt—a structured, dialogical process of subject‑formation, collective learning, intellectual mediation, and hegemonic construction which the case both illuminates and problematizes. In practical sense, maximum participation of youth in the parliament from the forthcoming election in March 2025 focusing to the demands of youth. The newly elected parliamentarians with fresh mandate then have to amend the constitution accommodating provisions of Gen Z such as stringent measure for controlling corruption, promoting good governance, investigating the illegal properties accumulated by people holding public positions and confiscating property accumulated without legal sources. If able to utilize the opportunities brought by the uprising, Nepal can transform its elite controlled democracy into people’s democracy. Hence, the uprising of the September 8-9 is a latest example of how riots and uprising remake history as discussed by Badiou (2012). It is, in essence, a mass-based revolution that has changed the regime in Nepal, which is becoming a globally common phenomenon (Clarke, 2025).

 

6.      Conclusions

 

From the recent Generation Z youth uprising it is clear that Nepal is not yet a fully functional state because the government was collapsed within 27 hours of the protest, state security became totally dysfunctional and just watched arson of the main offices as symbol of legislature, judiciary and executive (government). They had neither attempted to prevent arson nor tried to use fire fighters. Intelligence of the state was completely dysfunctional, so did the bureaucracy.  

 

The credibility and trust of Nepal Army severely eroded and getting sharp criticism from general public for its failure to protect the people and property. This situation calls for urgent attention in redefining tasks and responsibilities of Nepal Army.

 

The existing political parties get red alert to change their style and ensure inner party democracy and ability to understand the aspiration of young generation and people at large. The whole targets of the protesters of 8 and 9 September were towards major political parties, who were simultaneously ruling the country for long, and or their supporters.  Hence, it is most urgent and most important to reform political parties providing leadership role to young generation, ensuring space for critical voices and challenges to the leaders.

 

The new interim government has very limited mandates, mainly to investigate the abuse of power during the Gen Z youth uprising and successfully completion of the election in 5 March 2026 (21 Falgun 2082). Hence, the major challenge for the interim government is to balance the aspiration of youth and their ability to deliver. However, they are confused and missing the priority.

 

Increasingly realized that the arson and destruction of the 9^th September was planned by some vested interests’ groups with the hope to get power (become prime minister by disposing the Oli Government), by other to burn out the evidences of their high-profile court cases with the hope of getting rid of several court cases or win them, and other groups were taking revenge to their past enemies. So, it is a complex mix of mobilization of various interests’ groups both domestically and externally though invisibly to fulfil their strategic interests.  

 

Nepal is in cross road. In one side, at present Nepali society is fearful, feeling insecure (because of about 9 thousand criminals are escaped from different jails and melted in society and engaged in committing crimes again; arms and weapons looted from police are spread in society, cadres of some people are feeling injustice for arson their houses and properties and therefore with the deep seated revenge and retaliation, etc.). The current interim government so far is not able to meaningfully engage with political parties but blaming them that creates further mistrust and it will have direct negative consequence in the forthcoming election.

 

The morale of private sector is down from the arson and destruction of their properties and infrastructures. Bureaucracy is mal-functioning (works only for their interests and with nexus among politicians and brokers) and not willing and able to proactively act. However, on the other hand, largest political party Nepali Congress, third largest party Maoist Unity Center, 4^th largest Rastrya Swatantra Party and 6^th largest Rastrya Prajatantra Party are willing to participate in the forthcoming election if the government creates favorable environment. Only the 2^nd largest party Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist), who was heading the government until the September uprising, is yet not willing to participate in the election. Instead it has demanded to restore the dissolved lower house of the parliament.  The main hope is free and fair election with participation of political parties.     

 

The core demand of Gen Z uprising were ensuring good governance, combating corruption and ensuring quality engagement of youth in political and policy decision making process. These can be achieve through incorporating the provisions of two-term limitation of Prime Minister position, restricting parliamentarians to become minister and taking ministers out of parliament, election of local government not based on existing party provision but independent candidacy, limit of head of political party positions to two term by amending the present constitution. If the Gen Z negotiators and their back up facilitators were able to take non-compromising stand while negotiation with the president, this could be possible. However, all were confused from unexpected change within 27 years. Hence, neither the negotiators nor their supporting experts present at the negotiation took firm stand on incorporating these provisions by amending the constitution through the existing parliament before forming the interim government and only then dissolve the parliament. However, President tactfully dealt to escape from these possibilities. In this sense, it was a big missed opportunity for ensuring good governance, combating corruption and incorporating youths in decision process in Nepal. It seems less likely to address these core concerns in foreseeable future. 

 

   

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[i] In the past few years gen Z protests is spreading in the world as wave. It was in Nepal (September 2025), Kenya (2024-25), Togo (since June 2025), Morocco (Sept–Oct 2025) Madagascar (since Sept. 2025), Timor‑Leste (September 2025), Paraguay (2025 Sept.), Peru (2025), Sri Lanka (2022), Bangladesh (2022-24),  Indonesia (2025), Ghana (2024), Uganda (2024-25), Mozambique (2024-25), Nigeria (2024-25), Philippines, Malaysia, Egypt (2011, 2020) (though more Millennials than Gen Z strictly) such as the Arab Spring, Chile (2019-20), USA (2020, 2025).  “African spring” was in Kenya, Uganda, Mozambique, and Nigeria. Recently.

[ii] See Pant, B. (2018). Socio-economic impact of undeclared blockade of India on Nepal. Nepal Journal of Development Studies, I(1), 1-10 for detail.

[iii] All total 23 courts were damaged, files related to 800 thousands cases were destroyed and 2.52 billion worth of properties of the courts were destroyed (the details were reported in the Kantipur daily, 21 Oct 2025).

[iv] Mr. Gagan Thapa publicly share it in the TV talk show programme at Kantipur TV on 20 October. Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LFXpLCoUqH4

[v] See https://thehimalayantimes.com/kathmandu/kmc-mayor-balen-urges-gen-z-to-exercise-restraint for details

[vi] See https://kathmandupost.com/interviews/2025/09/28/events-in-nepal-must-have-made-india-restless

[vii] See in-depth analysis in this link https://nepalkhabar.com/opinion/253805-2025-10-24-17-52-52?fbclid=IwY2xjawNoewtleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHtpaqK19D-Y24GNA-eKCGaY1EFtX9itsDtsmAjg4I3NURcZgZSqCNDBXdO1K_aem_ia2FPnK4N0Zjjpnr3GPG0A

[viii] https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/08/30/prime-minister-oli-departs-for-china-to-attend-sco-summit

[ix] https://sundayguardianlive.com/editors-choice/the-us-funded-a-youth-programme-in-nepal-to-counter-influence-of-india-china-154641/

[x] https://english.onlinekhabar.com/no-consensus-on-hami-nepals-claim-of-leading-the-gen-z-movement.html

[xi] https://www.newslaundry.com/2025/09/09/foreign-hand-gen-z-data-addiction-5-ways-indian-media-missed-the-nepal-story?utm_source=chatgpt.com

[xii] https://www.globalissues.org/news/2025/09/18/41053

[xiii] Full page interview of Chief Justice is published in Kantipur Daily. 22 September 2025, Monday.

[xiv] https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/10/world/asia/nepal-gen-z-protests-kathmandu-mayor-balendra-shah.html

[xv] https://english.deshsanchar.com/betrayal-of-a-nation-the-nepal-army-and-the-death-of-sovereignty/

[xvi] https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2025/09/30/how-nepali-army-stabilised-situation-and-ushered-in-a-new-prime-minister

[xvii] https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2025/09/30/how-nepali-army-stabilised-situation-and-ushered-in-a-new-prime-minister?utm_source=chatgpt.com

[xviii] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YYZ0pQPM48Y

[xix] https://ekantipur.com/news/2025/10/19/even-though-the-fire-is-out-the-smoke-of-mystery-is-still-rising-33-26.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawNh4edleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHtu8f7xqFOMG17rgl0_tQKBZnj36YTrpzKtYQqS5gr6aIiilUZd531aiRSXi_aem_QEgfGHcUwluokzy3jdF4dw

[xx] https://ekantipur.com/news/2025/10/19/en/even-though-the-fire-is-out-the-smoke-of-mystery-is-still-rising-33-26.html

[xxi] https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/tob-controversy-security-agencies-keep-gen-z-activist-gurung-under-surveill-42-96.html

[xxii] Nepal Army provided these data in the news conference organized at the Army Headquarters on Friday, 17 October 2025.

[xxiii] https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/09/30/41-injured-in-gen-z-protests-still-being-treated-in-12-hospitals?utm_source=chatgpt.com

[xxiv] https://www.everest-times.com/2025/09/22/24296/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

[xxv] https://www.indiatoday.in/world/story/nepal-protests-kp-sharma-oli-resigns-india-neighbourhood-turmoil-us-china-proxy-war-2784428-2025-09-09?utm_source=chatgpt.com

[xxvi] https://sputniknews.in/20250911/is-us-deep-state-at-work-in-nepal-9740818.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com